During the seventeenth century, a development of great importance for the modern Western world took place in central and eastern Europe, as three new powers made their appearance: Prussia, Austria, and Russia.
By gaining Milan, Mantua, Sardinia, and Naples, Austria supplanted Spain as the dominant power in Italy.
A new Russian state had emerged in the fifteenth century under the leadership of the principality of Moscow and its grand dukes .
In the sixteenth century, Ivan IV the Terrible , who was the first ruler to take the title of tsar , expanded the territories of Russia eastward after finding westward expansion blocked by the powerful Swedish and Polish states.
Ivan also extended the autocracy of the tsar by crushing the power of the Russian nobility, known as the boyars .
Ivan’s dynasty came to an end in 1598 and was followed by a resurgence of aristocratic power in a period of anarchy known as the Time of Troubles.
It did not end until the Zemsky Sobor , or national assembly, chose Michael Romanov as the new tsar, beginning a dynasty that lasted until 1917.
In the seventeenth century, Muscovite society was highly stratified.
At the top was the tsar, who claimed to be a divinely ordained autocratic ruler.
Russian society was dominated by an upper class of landed aristocrats who, in the course of the seventeenth century, managed to bind their peasants to the land.
In the seventeenth century, merchant and peasant revolts as well as a schism in the Russian Orthodox Church created very unsettled conditions. In the midst of these political and religious upheavals, seventeenth-century Moscow was experiencing more frequent contacts with the West, and Western ideas were beginning to penetrate a few Russian circles.
At the end of the seventeenth century, Peter the Great noticeably accelerated the westernizing process.
After conquering Constantinople in 1453, the Ottoman Turks tried to complete their conquest of the Balkans, where they had been established since the fourteenth century .
From 1480 to 1520, internal problems and the need to consolidate their eastern frontiers kept the Turks from any further attacks on Europe.
The reign of Sultan Suleiman I the Magnificent , however, brought the Turks back to Europe’s attention.
Advancing up the Danube, the Turks seized Belgrade in 1521 and Hungary by 1526, although their attempts to conquer Vienna in 1529 were repulsed.
At the same time, the Turks extended their power into the western Mediterranean, threatening to turn it into a Turkish lake until the Spanish destroyed a large Turkish fleet at Lepanto in 1571.
Despite the defeat, the Turks continued to hold nominal control over the southern shores of the Mediterranean.
Although Europeans frequently spoke of new Christian Crusades against the ‘‘infidel’’ Turks, by the beginning of the seventeenth century European rulers seeking alliances and trade concessions were treating the Ottoman Empire like another European power.
The Ottoman Empire possessed a highly effective governmental system, especially when it was led by strong sultans or powerful grand viziers .
In the first half of the seventeenth century, the Ottoman Empire was a ‘‘sleeping giant. Repulsed by a mixed army of Austrians, Poles, Bavarians, and Saxons, the Turks retreated and were pushed out of Hungary by a new European coalition.
Although they retained the core of their empire, the Ottoman Turks would never again be a threat to Europe.
The dynastic union of Jagiello , grand prince of Lithuania, with the Polish queen Jadwiga resulted in a large Lithuanian-Polish state in 1386, although it was not until 1569 that a formal merger occurred between the two crowns.
The union of Poland and Lithuania under the Jagiello dynasty had created the largest kingdom in Christendom at the begin-ning of the fifteenth century.
As a result, Poland-Lithuania played a major role in eastern Europe in the fifteenth century and also ruled much of Ukraine by the end of the sixteenth century.
Poland-Lithuania had a rather unique governmental system in that assemblies of nobles elected the king and carefully limited royal power.
To be elected to the kingship, prospective monarchs had to agree to share power with the Sejm in matters of taxation, foreign and military policy, and the appointment of state officials and judges.
The power of the Sejm had disastrous results for central monarchical authority, for the real aim of most of its members was to ensure that central authority would not affect their local interests.
The acceptance of the liberum veto in 1652, whereby the meetings of the Sejm could be stopped by a single dissenting member, reduced the government to virtual chaos.
Poland, then, was basically a confederation of semi-independent estates of landed nobles.
Upon the death of Queen Elizabeth in 1603, the Tudor dynasty became extinct, and the Stuart line of rulers was inaugurated with the accession to the throne of Elizabeth’s cousin, King James VI of Scotland , who became James I of England.
Although used to royal power as king of Scotland, James understood little about the laws, institutions, and customs of the English. ’’
Parliament expressed its displeasure with James’s claims by refusing his requests for additional monies needed by the king to meet the increased cost of government.
Parliament’s power of the purse proved to be its trump card in its relationship with the king.
Some members of Parliament were also alienated by James’s religious policy.
In 1628, Parliament passed the Petition of Right, which the king was supposed to accept before being granted any tax revenues.
This petition prohibited taxation without Parliament’s consent, arbitrary imprisonment, the quartering of soldiers in private houses, and the declaration of martial law in peacetime. In 1629, Charles decided that since he could not work with Parliament, he would not summon it to meet.
From 1629 to 1640, Charles pursued a course of personal rule, which forced him to find ways to collect taxes without the cooperation of Parliament.
One expedient was a tax called ship money, a levy on seacoast towns to pay for coastal defense, which was now collected annually by the king’s officials throughout England and used to finance other government operations besides defense.
This use of ship money aroused opposition from middle-class merchants and landed gentry, who objected to the king’s attempts to tax without Parliament’s consent.
The king’s religious policy also proved disastrous.
His marriage to Henrietta Maria, the Catholic sister of King Louis XIII of France, aroused suspicions about the king’s own religious inclinations.
Charles might have survived unscathed if he could have avoided calling Parliament, which alone could provide a focus for the many cries of discontent throughout the land.
But when the king and Archbishop Laud attempted to impose the Anglican Book of Common Prayer on the Scottish Presbyterian Church, the Scots rose up in rebellion against the king.
Financially strapped and unable to raise troops to defend against the Scots, the king was forced to call Parliament into session.
Eleven years of frustration welled up to create a Parliament determined to deal the king his due.
In its first session, from November 1640 to September 1641, the so-called Long Parliament took a series of steps that placed severe limitations on royal authority.
By the end of 1641, one group in Parliament was prepared to go no further, but a group of more radical parliamentarians pushed for more change, including the elimination of bishops in the Anglican Church.
When the king tried to take advantage of the split by arresting some members of the more radical faction in Parliament, a large group in Parliament led by John Pym and his fellow Puritans decided that the king had gone too far.
The army, composed mostly of the more radical Independents, who opposed an established Pres-byterian church, marched on London in 1647 and began negotiations with the king. Enraged by the king’s treachery, Cromwell and the army engaged in a second civil war that ended with Cromwell’s victory and the capture of the king.
This time, Cromwell was determined to achieve a victory from the army’s point of view.
The Presbyterian members of Parliament were purged, leaving a Rump Parliament of fifty-three members of the House of Commons who then tried and condemned the king on a charge of treason and adjudged that ‘‘he, the said Charles Stuart, as a tyrant, traitor, murderer, and public enemy to the good people of this nation, shall be put to death by the severing of his head from his body.
After the death of the king, the Rump Parliament abolished the monarchy and the House of Lords and proclaimed England a republic or commonwealth .
This was not an easy period for Cromwell. At the same time that Cromwell was dealing with the Levellers, he also found it difficult to work with the Rump Parliament and finally dispersed it by force.
As the members of Parliament departed , he shouted after them, ‘‘It’s you that have forced me to do this, for I have sought the Lord night and day that He would slay me rather than put upon me the doing of this work.
’’ With the certainty of one who is convinced he is right, Cromwell had destroyed both the king and Parliament .
Executive power was vested in the Lord Protector and legislative power in a reconstituted Parliament.
Cromwell found it difficult to work with Parliament, especially when its members debated his authority and advocated once again the creation of a Presbyterian state church.
In 1655, Cromwell dissolved Parliament and divided the country into eleven regions, each ruled by a major general who served virtually as a military governor.
To meet the cost of military government, Cromwell levied a 10 percent land tax on all former Royalists.
Unable to establish a constitutional basis for a working government, Cromwell had resorted to military force to maintain the rule of the Independents, ironically using even more arbitrary policies than those of Charles I.
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